Dictatorship: From Tyranny to Contempt

by Rachel
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A century ago, precisely at the end of 1923 and the beginning of 1924, Egypt was on the cusp of its first democratic election following its inaugural modern constitution. This was a triumph where the people's will prevailed. The Egyptian Wafd Party, despite maneuvers to hamper their victory and block Saad Zaghloul from gaining the honor of leadership, emerged victorious.

The Enlightened People

This was a historical moment that acknowledged the power of the people as free will bearers, affirming their right to choose their rulers. It marked a foundational moment in the birth of parliamentary democracy, which signified the end of absolute individual rule.

Consequently, the people became the source of authority, with a balance among the different branches of power that could not be overstepped. This was achieved through the constitution, law, and institutions within a framework of three guarantees: an independent judiciary, freedom of the press, and regular, orderly elections.

Following the announcement of the election results on January 12, 1924, Saad Zaghloul delivered a statement unveiling the meaning of the electoral battle and its implications. "They declared the war of election, set its field, chose its time themselves, and prepared the weapons of combat with their own hands. We did not hesitate to confront them. With certainty of victory filling our hearts, with sincere love for our precious homeland guiding us, and with trust in God supporting us, we persevered until they were defeated."

He then discussed the tactics utilized to influence the integrity of the elections and how they failed to deter the people from securing a victory for their will and for justice: "Their delays, arbitrary interpretations, and rules they devised did not avail them, nor did their restrictions aimed at stifling freedom of assembly or the slanderous speeches and publications filled with lies. All of these boomeranged back on them, increasing their defeat and loss. Their alliances with haters only weakened them, and the money they circulated among the destitute voters only brought them poverty."

Zaghloul was aware that at this moment, a new nation was born, a nation that began to exercise the practice of freedom and democratic governance. He conveyed his sincerest congratulations to the noble nation for its discerning vision and its impressive consensus, expressing the utmost gratitude for this great blessing that surpassed all others and was unprecedented in other nations.

This nation, to which Zaghloul extends his deepest gratitude, was henceforth known as the leading and enlightened people, especially after the July 23, 1952 revolution, with added significance during the last ten years from 2013 to 2023.

Firm Foreign Control

During the liberal democracy era from 1923-1953, Egyptians achieved two things: they imposed constraints on the tyranny of the monarchs from the dynasty of Muhammad Ali Pasha, and they eradicated much of the colonial legacy that followed Muhammad Ali Pasha’s death in 1849. This legacy began as civil, commercial, financial, and exploitative interference, which was more dangerous than military occupation itself.

The country was shackled with the debts of Said and Ismail through a debt commission, which was like a state within a state. The foreigners owned large swathes of land, dominated fields of finance, industry, and commerce, filled top government and company positions, and enjoyed privileges granted through agreements with their countries and the Ottoman state, which meant they were not subject to Egyptian law or taxes.

They formed twelve European communities that acted as independent states within the state. This, in addition to the British occupation, represented the climax of their control.

Foreign control wasn’t only represented by the British occupation; it predated and went deeper than the occupation itself. The occupation was merely the superstructure, while the comprehensive European control was the infrastructure that paved the way for occupation, justified it, and solidified its grip on the country and its people.

Multiple Fronts of National Action

The national movement, conscious of the battle against both tyranny and occupation, branched out its efforts on multiple fronts. It aimed not only to confront the occupation but also to uproot the foundations, roots, and infrastructures established by the Europeans throughout the country. Several victories on these fronts, pursuant after the British recognition of Egypt's conditional independence, led to the elimination of the infrastructure of foreign control:

  1. In 1929, the Egyptian government decided to adopt the customs tariff system to protect indigenous industries, which came into effect with the Wafd government in 1930.

  2. The 1936 Agreement eliminated the presence of foreign employees in government administrations, removed all British employees from their positions in the Egyptian army, abolished the function of the British General Inspector of the Army, disbanded the European Police Administration, and dismissed all European employees from the police.

  3. In 1940, the Debt Commission, which was a state within the state possessing legislative oversight rights, was dissolved.

  1. In 1942, the Wafd government enacted Law No. 62, mandating the use of Arabic in transactions between individuals, bodies, and the government, aiming to eradicate cultural colonization.

  2. In 1943, the Wafd government introduced the National Loan Project to repay part of the country's debts while transforming the remaining debt into lighter burdens.

A Quarter Century of Struggle

  1. The national economic assets, which were entirely in the hands of foreigners in 1919, became more than 40% owned by Egyptians after a quarter-century of struggle by 1946.

  2. A 1947 law stipulated that no less than 75% of employees in joint-stock companies and no less than 65% of their total wages should be Egyptian.

  3. From the conditional independence of 1922 till the July 23, 1952 revolution, the labor movement thrived in terms of workers' rights, signaling significant progress from 28 unions in 1922 to 558 in 1952.

  1. The period also witnessed strides in university education; the localization of the judiciary, jurisprudence, and law; freedom of the press; and respect for individual rights and freedoms.

Productive Democracy

For thirty years, from 1923 to 1953, democracy progressed despite its stumbling and limitations, empowering Egyptians to fight on all fronts—from combating the palace's despotism to overpowering European control of the country's assets and the military occupation’s presence. Democracy was seen as a tool for national struggle, a machine for production and fruitfulness, not mere rhetoric.

The foundational infrastructure for both foreign control and military occupation was decimated, paving the way for the British and Americans to facilitate the officers' movement on the night of July 23, 1952, and the negotiations on the withdrawal in 1954, leading to the full and actual withdrawal in 1956.

Contrary to the British and American expectations, Egyptian officers clung to the national legacy cemented during the democratic era and expanded upon it, nullifying Western hopes for acceptance of Israel, entry into Western alliances surrounding the Soviet Union, or agreement to the use of the Canal Zone in case of regional war.

Disdain for Opponents and Allies

After the July 23 revolution, which led to the king's exile, abolishment of the monarchy, dissolution of the political presence of Muhammad Ali Pasha's lineage, voiding of the constitution, ban of political parties, initiation of agrarian reforms, and enforcement of emergency law, it was clear that the officers were ending the era of democracy and ushering in a new period of dictatorship.

This dictatorship had justifications in the eyes of its founders—the failure of democracy to serve the majority, and the need for a dictatorial rule that, although deemed necessary and defensible, had noble intentions and sought the people's benefit.

The dictatorship exploited Saad Zaghloul’s legacy and the charisma of Nasser's leadership, presenting the image of a mature period of dictatorship that began as authoritarianism for the people's benefit and deteriorated into tyranny that scorned the populace.

From the elections of 1924 to those projected in 2024, the narrative of Egypt's history descends from its zenith to its nadir, a topic that will be further explored in next week's article.

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