Since the 7th of October, the administration of U.S. President Joe Biden has seemed to be closer to leading the war on Gaza than merely providing absolute support for the Zionist entity.
This was evident in the complete adoption of the Israeli narrative, branding the events as acts of terrorism and extremism, deploying aircraft carriers to the region, forming an airlift of military aid, providing equipment, and sending a cadre of rapid intervention forces. In addition to the attendance of President Biden, his Secretary of State Antony Blinken, and his Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin at Israeli war council meetings, there was a constant affirmation of what they called "Israel's right to self-defense," insisting that there would be no ceasefire until Israel's goals were achieved. These included the destruction of Hamas and the recovery of captives.
Washington intervened to reconfigure the occupying government by forcing Netanyahu to form an emergency government (a war government) with the leader of the opposing Israeli National Unity Party, General Benny Gantz, as well as Gantz's party and former army chief Gadi Eisenkot, and Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer as observers.
More than 70 days after the aggression began, the occupation has failed to achieve its announced objectives, which continue to be reiterated with different expressions: the destruction of Hamas and the recovery of captives.
From the outset, the United States was at the core of the occupation's aggression, through the development of military plans with the generals of the occupation. This was reflected in the careful war plans for the occupation force's land invasion, guided by the advice of American generals who learned from their incursions into Fallujah and Mosul in Iraq, in addition to lessons from the Afghan war.
War Leadership
This stance was not merely for Netanyahu's sake, nor his extremism-laden, far-right government, which includes figures like Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. The period before October 7th was replete with disagreements between the Biden administration and the Israeli government over judicial reforms pushed by the latter. These reforms not only caused divisions within Israeli society but also damaged the (democratic) image of the entity in the West, making it hostage to extremists.
The intensity of the discord between the two parties increased due to the intensification of settlement practices in the West Bank, legislation attempts to tighten restrictions on Palestinian captives in occupations' jails including executions, and restrictions on their visits and other rights.
The Biden administration saw that the escalation of the occupations measures against Palestinians through this extreme government would lead to a serious escalation in the Palestinian territories, causing the United States to return to the region to address the repercussions and possibly stir unrest among its Arab allies.
But what happened on October 7th led to a significant defeat and existential threat for the Zionist entity, undermining Israel's position as the advanced fortress of the Western colonial project led by the United States and endangering American interests in the region. It negatively impacted U.S. influence.
The United States perceived the depth of Israel's intelligence, security, and military failures, which resulted in the Palestinian resistance's success in capturing about 250 Israelis. It viewed leaving a vengeful, extreme government—featuring Ben-Gvir and Smotrich—to make reckless military decisions like invading Gaza as potentially causing a second setback for the occupation forces and causing substantial harm to American interests.
Washington acted to prevent Iran and its proxies from joining the battle in support of the Palestinian resistance by sending direct threats to Iran and Hezbollah against participating in the war, as it wanted to avoid entanglement in a regional conflict that would distract from its strategic focus on containing China and the war in Ukraine.
The U.S. administration considers that widening the scope of the war could expose its ally to another strategic shake-up, undermining the confidence of its traditional allies.
Despite the Biden administration's expression of opposition to the displacement of Palestinians, this came after Egypt and Jordan rejected these plans, and the Palestinians' continued resistance and refusal to leave their homeland.
A Reversal of Images
The Biden administration provided unprecedented support to the Zionist entity's government, including embracing false narratives against the resistance, such as beheading children, and sexual assaults on women, which enabled them to launch an ethnic cleansing campaign in North Gaza and then the South, targeting civilians, hospitals, and schools with the goal of depriving the resistance of its popular base and practicing scorched earth policies, causing the death of about 19,000 Palestinians to date.
America turned a blind eye to the massacres Israel committed against Palestinian civilians and endorsed its false tales in the massacre of the Baptist Hospital and the invasion of the Al-Shifa Hospital.
The American administration expressed opposition to the displacement of Palestinians, but this came after Egypt and Jordan rejected such plans, coupled with the continued resistance and refusal of Palestinians to leave their homeland.
The Magic Turns Against the Sorcerer
The image of terrorism and extremism, which the occupation and its supporters tried to promote against the resistance, took a turn when the images of the dead and wounded by occupation bombs and the ruins and destruction in buildings, institutions, and hospitals surfaced, revealing the occupation's true nature as a war criminal and enemy to humanity and life.
This image was bolstered by social media influencers, while inspiring images of the Palestinian resistance fighters inspired people worldwide. During the periods of humanitarian ceasefire, the resistance presented a commendable human facet, refuting the narratives of the occupation and the American administration about the savageness and terrorism of the resistors.
The extent of the occupation's brutality directly affected the Biden administration, which faced protests within its State Department against the complete bias of Secretary of State Antony Blinken. Public opinion polls also showed a decline in Biden's popularity compared to his rival Trump on the brink of the U.S. elections, where Biden appeared to support an ongoing ethnic cleansing campaign and massacres committed by the occupation covered by American and international media.
The Anglo-Saxon alliance supporting Israel began to call for a ceasefire, contrasting Washington's stance. A joint statement from the Prime Ministers of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand supported "international efforts," expressed concern about the shrinking safe space for civilians in Gaza, and declared, "The ongoing suffering of all Palestinian civilians cannot be the price of defeating Hamas."
Although the United States used its veto power against a draft resolution at the Security Council calling for a ceasefire, the United Kingdom abstained from voting, while the remaining members of the Security Council, including France, voted in favor. This indicates early signs of unease in the coalition that supported the war on Gaza and loosening American control over it.
The continued Zionist massacres also placed America's Arab allies friendly to Washington in an uncomfortable position before their people, threatening their regimes and endangering American interests, as Biden expressed "real concerns across the world that America could lose its moral standing by supporting Israel."
Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin considered that Israel risks a "strategic defeat" if it continues to cause significant civilian casualties.
As concerns about the possibility of a regional war loom and the regional scene evolves with Houthi targeting of ships passing through the Red Sea towards the Zionist entity, Washington has come to realize that the cost of its unconditional support for Netanyahu and the extremist government has become too high and unsustainable. This is especially true given the occupant's lack of post-war plans, which Washington demands.
Differences Come to Light
The Biden administration was forced to publicly express positions that revealed differences with the extreme Zionist government that had existed since the beginning of the war. The administration understands that Netanyahu seeks to prolong the war because he knows he will fall as soon as it ends, accused of failure to anticipate the October 7th attacks, preoccupation with judicial reforms, and disregard for the threat posed by Hamas, not to mention previous corruption charges. This would be further compounded if he fails to achieve the two declared war objectives.
Recognizing this backdrop, President Biden stated that Israel is losing international support for its indiscriminate bombing of Gaza, which has killed thousands of Palestinian civilians. He considered Netanyahu in need of changing and strengthening his government, which he described as the most hardened in Israel's history, not desiring a two-state solution, a position that puts "the safety of the Jewish people" at risk.
However, Biden has maintained his opposition to a ceasefire, arguing that it would allow Hamas to reorganize in the battle, while continuing to pursue a temporary humanitarian truce to facilitate the delivery of aid and the release of hostages.
The Biden administration has mandated the occupation shift from its current intensive phase to a less intense one as soon as possible. Various American and Israeli sources mention that the available period for the occupation does not extend beyond the beginning of next year.
Under this American pressure, the occupation's leaders had no choice but to comply with the American deadlines, announcing that the current phase of intense operations would be followed by another focusing on Hamas's leadership, which could last a full year, a plan that received American approval.
However, the war council leaders have expressed a desire to retain buffer zones in the Strip over the next year, a move not opposed by the Biden administration, despite its repeated talk of opposing continued Israeli occupation of Gaza.
To make it appear as though taking action, the Biden administration urged the entity to be precise in using bombs to reduce civilian casualties, something the occupation government has not yet addressed and is unknown whether it will comply with in the coming phase amid the ongoing occupation of Gaza and the war against the resistance.
The American administration speaks of rejecting displacement and expanding the introduction of aid and fuel to the Gaza Strip, yet the occupation army continues to drive Palestinians towards specific areas in the south of the Strip, regulate the entry of aid, and restrict its accessibility to the north. It also talks about controlling the actions of settlers in the West Bank, which are sponsored by extremists like Smotrich and Ben-Gvir.
It is expected that Biden's administration's disputes with Netanyahu will continue, as Netanyahu continues to fail to make achievements on the ground but still sends messages to the Israeli public that he is the strongest prime minister in Israel's history, refusing international pressure. This is in response to Biden's recent statements, as Netanyahu stated, "We will continue the war and will not be stopped by international pressure."
Although Biden's request for Netanyahu to change his government effectively reflects a desire for Netanyahu himself to leave, as long as this war continues, talk of changing this government remains premature unless political or field developments necessitate such a change.
Despite all this, American and Israeli arrangements alone will not determine the fate and future of the war. They remain mere hopes—with no significant chance of success seen in reality based on the resistance's endurance and the losses it continues to inflict on the occupation. The Palestinian people remain a difficult number to bypass in any political equation formulated for the Gaza Strip after the war.
