Rise in Popular Resistance Calls in Sudan Amid Political Opposition

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Rising Voices and Crowds Call for Popular Resistance in Sudan Amid Political Opposition

Khartoum – As days go by, the chorus of voices and throngs calling for the activation of popular resistance in Sudan to confront the Rapid Support Forces, accused of "widespread violations against civilians" in areas they "occupy" after combat or military withdrawal, is steadily increasing.

Over several days, numerous Sudanese cities have witnessed enormous armed human assemblies, declaring their readiness to face the Rapid Support Forces and to support the army in the war against them that has been ongoing for about nine months.

Entities, whose identities are unknown, organized a significant gathering on Monday under the name "Sudan's Deluge" for mobilization and rallying. The cities of Gedaref, Kassala in the east, Al Manaqil in the center of the country, and Al Dabba and Merowe in the north, have seen similar assemblies.

These gatherings have received notable support from followers of the previous regime and encouragement from tribal leaders and local administrations, while they are opposed by political organizations, which see them as a prelude to a civil war that would be difficult to control.

"What you can take from General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan's speech is that popular resistance and military confrontation are the only way to triumph over the rebellion militias," said Dr. Taj al-Sir Osman. "This is the gist of the matter; there can be no negotiating with mercenaries or any such elements, as it would only legitimize them and be a waste of time and effort."

Relief

These developments come against the backdrop of what has been described as "horrific acts of violence" witnessed by the state of Gezira after the takeover by the Rapid Support Forces in late December, which forced thousands of residents to flee. Citizens in several neighborhoods have complained of sieges imposed by the Rapid Support Forces, preventing them from leaving after being "enticed" with offers of food aid, money, and protection.

Officials within the Rapid Support Forces do not deny these accusations and say that the perpetrators are "rogue groups" that are being pursued and immediately punished.

It seems that calls for popular resistance have been met with relief by the army, as its commander, Chairman of the Sovereignty Council, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, mentioned in his speech commemorating Independence Day on Sunday night, that the roadmap to peace should include "the expulsion of the rebellious militia from Gezira state and from the rest of Sudan's cities as agreed upon in the Jeddah Declaration, along with the restitution of all looted citizens' money, properties, government assets, and the evacuation of civilians' homes and government premises."

He added, "Any ceasefire that does not ensure the mentioned terms would be valueless, and peace that is incomplete will not be acceptable. The people have spoken and organized ranks of resistance to repel this aggression."

Conversely, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemeti), commander of the Rapid Support Forces, warned in his speech on Monday of the mobilization operations, stating that his forces were determined and capable of pursuing the "instigators of war who are beating the drums of war."

"After nine months of continuous military victories, and defeating the enemy in Khartoum, Darfur, Kordofan, and Gezira, they must publicly admit that they have lost this war and failed in it. They need to stop the mobilization and fighting and the destruction of the country and pave the way for ending the war and starting the political process."

"The Sudanese people, whose properties have been looted, whose establishments have been destroyed, who have suffered killings, displacements, and expulsions, and all sorts of injustice under the watch of the world, have nothing to fear, and will not allow the militia of the Dagalo family to be part of their future history, whatever the outcome may be." — Abd Elbdie Osman (عبدالبديع عثمان) (January 1, 2024)

A New Player

Commenting on these developments, politician and academic Naji Mustafa Badawi says that popular resistance is "a new and significant player that has entered the scene," characterized by independence, supporting the armed forces, and aligning with them. However, they will choose confrontation and initiative in all cases, prevent violations and displacements.

Badawi minimizes warnings about the resistance paving the way for a civil war by asserting that those promoting such ideas are politicians from the Forces for Freedom and Change, which he describes as "allies of the rebellion," and have agreements to share power with them if they triumph.

Conversely, Saleh Ammar, a spokesman for the Eastern Sudan Civil Forces Alliance, predicts the failure of popular resistance, recalling the mobilization for the war led by previous regime elements before the outbreak of fighting between the army and the Rapid Support Forces last April. These proclamations made about the readiness of 200,000 recruits to join the Sudanese Armed Forces could not hold up after the first bullet was fired, and their leadership vanished.

He emphasizes that the current proponents of popular resistance are members of the previous regime and the National Congress Party that governed Sudan for 30 years and created the Rapid Support Forces.

Ammar asserts that the objectives of this resistance are to spread chaos, as they see the expansion of the Rapid Support Forces over wide areas and do not want them to govern, warning about the danger of involving young people in an unbalanced battle with well-trained, qualified forces possessing high combat capabilities and expertise.

Former member of the Sovereign Council, a leader of Freedom and Change, Mohammad al-Faki refrains from supporting calls for popular resistance, describing them as a "righteous call with wrongful intent," primarily fueled by the fears of civilians left unprotected by their state against widespread violations. He sees in the mobilization rhetoric the essence of war, as the whole process is managed by remnants of the former regime.

In a post on the "X" platform, Al-Faki called for a clear statement from the armed forces regarding the ongoing armament procedures, who is conducting them, and how these weapons will be collected in the future. "What is happening now confirms that stopping the war is an imperative duty that cannot be postponed before we reach the stage of a comprehensive civil war."

Officials in the government of Gedaref in eastern Sudan support popular resistance (Al Jazeera)

"Oath of Death"

In eastern Sudan, tribes in the border area of Fashaga with Ethiopia announced the launch of popular resistance and organized a large gathering this week addressed by the general chieftain of the Lahaween tribe, Eid al-Zain, who pointed out that "grave violations" committed by the Rapid Support Forces were the trigger for the protest.

The chieftain pledged 20,000 youths from the tribe to what he called the battle of dignity, defense of the homeland and the east, and offered an "oath of death" to the army commander on behalf of the Lahaween in Sudan. He emphasized that popular resistance would be the decisive factor in the battle.

Az al-Din al-Imam, the executive director of the Fashaga locality, confirms to Al Jazeera Net the launch of popular resistance from the border area with Ethiopia, stating that it had previously fought and engaged in military battles to reclaim the area from the Ethiopians after 25 years of occupation.

Officials in the Gedaref government announced the ongoing opening of camps, popular resistance, and mobilization, providing weapons and advanced combat training through the state government and the Security Committee. Gedaref also witnessed a significant gathering in support of the resistance on Monday.

Political analyst Al-Tahir Sati considers the resistance, which has reached the implementation stage, a public reaction to the actions of the "militia" (Rapid Support Forces) in their territories. He views it as a "natural birth" with a spontaneous national convocation from all over Sudan after recovering from the shock, emphasizing that no political front or organization can adopt it, as it is "the people's justified wrath."

Sati speaks about the majority of young Sudanese who are trained on weapons through national service, the Popular Defense Forces, and now in the insurgent camps under the management of the Armed Forces. He sees this resistance campaign as the antidote to the "militia" campaign, which is mobilizing its members internally and bringing in "nomads from the diaspora" from outside Sudan, particularly from Chad, Libya, Niger, and Central Africa.

He states, "When the people felt this foreign invasion, they rose to repel the aggression; it is a war against a militia supported by Arab and other African countries."

Ahmed Mujahid, a young man who decided to take up arms and join popular resistance, sees it as an excellent opportunity to defend his region and his people in the Northern State. He tells Al Jazeera Net that he volunteered for the resistance following the expansion of Rapid Support Forces and the intensification of their attacks on cities "and what their elements do in terms of killing, looting, and assaults on unarmed citizens."

Although he dismisses the view that speaks of the dawn of a civil war, Mujahid shares some concerns about the matter and the resistance possibly turning into a vengeful operation against Sudan's diverse ethnicities and races.

"Political Exploitation"

Political analyst Muhammad Idris al-Naeem believes that the real resistance to war lies in stopping it rather than expanding it, which contributes to the division of Sudan on ethnic and regional grounds amid the rise of hate speech and calls for racism across all platforms "led by supporters and media of the former regime."

Al-Naeem tells Al Jazeera Net that the number of mobilized individuals is unknown, and the entities that provided them with weapons are also unknown, making the circulation of numbers subject to political exploitation.

Retired Brigadier Tayeb Najm al-Din subtly accuses army leaders of failing to manage the battle with the Rapid Support Forces. He sees the concept of popular resistance as a good idea that currently lacks the right conditions amidst the sharp polarization dominating the Sudanese landscape. He warns of the danger of arming the Sudanese community under these conditions.

He reveals the ambiguity surrounding the arming process and the entity overseeing it, aside from the Sudanese Armed Forces, as a matter that raises both suspicion and fear, with the operation currently being facilitated by provincial governments and their leaders, thinly veiled with the political agendas of a certain group leading this campaign.

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