Cameroon's President, Paul Biya, the longest-reigning leader in Africa with 42 years in power, recently expressed his heartfelt condolences to Israel, a victim of the armed Palestinian Islamist group Hamas. "I express my most sincere condolences to Israel, which fell victim to the armed Palestinian Islamist group, Hamas. I felt a genuine emotion towards the substantial human losses caused by this attack," said Biya, just two days after the "Operation Protective Edge" commenced, openly and unequivocally supporting Israel and its "victims" without any mention of the thousands of Palestinian casualties inflicted by the Israeli army fire.
Why this Cameroonian bias in favor of the Zionist entity, and is it a recent phenomenon, or does it reveal a historical relationship with specific internal calculations?
Biya, now in his nineties, is not only the longest-serving leader in Africa, but he also has aspirations to run for reelection until 2032, or at the very least, secure the reins of power for his 52-year-old son Frank. As such, he is in need of American support, especially following strained relations with France.
Israel, Cameroon, and Security Entrances
The failed coup attempt against Biya in 1984, only two years into his rule, was a pivotal moment that drove him into Israel's arms, particularly in the security domain. Benefiting from its experience with Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, Biya no longer trusted his presidential guard or former colonial powers France and Britain, who he accused of being involved in the coup. As a result, he decided to implement a new security strategy and formed special guard units, entrusting them to Israeli officers. This move played a critical role in reinstating relations with Tel Aviv, relations that were severed following the October War of 1973.
Indeed, these forces were formed by Maier Mayuhas, an Egyptian Jew and former colonel in the Israeli army, and Avi Sivan, the previous military attaché at the Israeli embassy in Cameroon. Initially known as the Light Intervention Forces, they later became the Rapid Intervention Forces, comprising 3,000 soldiers. They function as an army within the army, answerable directly to the president without oversight or accountability to the armed forces. They are better equipped than the regular military branches: land, sea, and air.
Biya relies on them for personal protection and to confront the Angolophone separatist movement in the west of the country, which seeks to establish the state of "Ambazonia" in the region of the same name. These forces also address attacks from the militant group Boko Haram, originating from neighboring Nigeria and Chad.
Biya's intimate cooperation with Tel Aviv led him to demonstrate his loyalty on various occasions, such as hosting Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres in 1986, despite pressure and criticism from some African and Arab states and organizations. The following year, amid the outbreak of the Palestinian Stone Intifada in 1987, he refused to vote in favor of an African Union resolution condemning Israeli repression in the occupied territories. Instead, in 1991, Cameroon voted in favor of a UN resolution that annulled its previous resolution from 1975 equating Zionism with racism.
Why the Current Support for Israel?
If Biya reciprocated the favor to Tel Aviv for its support over four decades ago, why does his support persist? What gains does he anticipate from this close allegiance?
From our perspective, there are several reasons for his continued support:
Firstly, the internal and external security environment of the country: Domestically, Biya remains adamant against any political settlement with the Anglophone movement, desiring independence. It could be argued that his reliance on a security-heavy strategy led this movement to seek independence—stemming from his disregard for the country’s diversity, even prior to its independence.
The political situation in Cameroon represents a unique case in Africa. Following the end of German occupation post-World War I, 80% of the country fell under French mandate, with the remaining 20% under British mandate. The French part gained independence in 1960 under the leadership of Ahmadou Ahidjo, Cameroon’s first president, followed by the British region a year later, resulting in the formation of the Federal Republic of Cameroon. Even as the nation's name changed to the United Republic of Cameroon in 1972 under Ahidjo, the emphasis on diversity was accentuated. However, following the 1984 coup against his successor Biya, the country was renamed simply Cameroon, with Francophones dominating and Anglophones being severely marginalized—a situation that escalated in 2016 with the government’s attempts to impose French in courts and schools in English-speaking regions, as well as economic marginalization and a scarcity of resources.
This led to separatists declaring their independence in October 2017 and naming their new state "Ambazonia." Since then, the regime has waged an intense military campaign against them, led by rapid intervention forces trained by Israeli private companies. According to a 2020 article by "The Times" of Britain, these forces have committed blatant human rights violations, including killings, torture, arson, and sexual violence against the Anglophone separatist movement.
Externally, the security turmoil in neighboring countries experiencing political instability presents a challenge to the country's eastern neighbors: Chad and the Central African Republic, as well as the threat from armed Islamic movements from Nigeria.
Secondly, President Biya's intentions to run for the next electoral term in 2025: Despite securing the longest tenure in African leadership, he desires to extend his presidency until 2032 or position his son Frank to take over power. Hence, he requires primarily American support, especially following France’s tension.
It's well-known that challenging French opposition necessitates parallel American support. Similarly, leaders in Niger seeking to counter France's influence have turned to the U.S. for backing. And in this context, Israel often acts as a mediator for such support. Biya thus strives to maintain relations with Tel Aviv to ensure his personal and political security, particularly amidst reports of deteriorating conditions in the country and systematic killings against the "Anglophone" population, along with continuous domestic and external displacement of people.
Notably, these efforts seem to be bearing fruit. The U.S. administration overlooks Biya's actions against separatists and has not taken practical steps requiring negotiation with them, despite a Senate resolution issued two years ago urging all parties to engage in dialogue for a political resolution.
Thirdly, the desire for international financing: Biya aims to secure funding from international institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF to address the country's dire economic situation. Aware of the U.S. influence within these institutions, he seizes opportunities to declare his loyalty to Israel, ensuring Washington’s endorsement. Continuous international financing flows to Cameroon without conditions relating to the domestic political or security situations, perhaps signaling externally that he can operate quietly while receiving public condemnation and secret support.
